Tag: erdogan

  • This Is Not an Arthur Koestler Novel – This Is Turkey

    This Is Not an Arthur Koestler Novel – This Is Turkey

    Can Bahadır Yüce writes on Turkey’s response to coronavirus, and calls for the release of at-risk political prisoners

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    While COVID-19 is indiscriminate, its impact has not been equal. The poor suffer more than the rich; the threat to the old is graver than to the young; urban communities are more vulnerable than their rural counterparts. There is one particular group, above all, who are most defenceless: the incarcerated. Prisons are coronavirus hotspots. Across the world, millions closed in them are in imminent danger. Faced with calls from human rights organisations to free sick and vulnerable inmates, countries have responded in starkly different ways. There are those, like the United States, that have largely ignored these warnings. There are those, like the Philippines, that have released prisoners en masse. And then there’s the curious case of Turkey.

    In recent weeks, the Turkish government has freed more than 45,000 prisoners – almost a sixth of the  incarcerated population. Political prisoners, however – journalists, intellectuals, lawyers, teachers jailed on terrorism charges – have been exempt. In the terms of the bill passed last month, violent criminals may be released, while political prisoners remain locked-up. If you are a convicted murderer, you can be freed; if you are a journalist who has criticised President Erdoğan on social media, you cannot.

    COVID-19 cases in prisons are increasing. In Silivri Prison, the notorious penitentiary that hosts hundreds of journalists and political prisoners, the spread grows day-by-day. As of May 12, more than 191 cases were reported, with eight inmates in intensive care. There are also concerns of underreporting: no reliable information comes from the authorities, prison visits are cancelled, and the state-controlled media look the other way.  Silivri Prison is notoriously beset by poor conditions, where more than 40 people are packed into some seven-people cells – prime territory for a pandemic.

    Living in that territory, today, is Osman Kavala, the 62-year-old philanthropist and civil rights defender who will approaches 1000 days in jail. Then there is the writer and journalist Ahmet Altan, who is 70 and at-risk, serving a ten-and-a-half year sentence. During this pandemic, it is hard not to think about his prison memoir, I Will Never See the World Again, and quite how urgent its message feels. There is Hidayet Karaca, former head of a national TV station, who has been in jail for over five years and is in danger due to deteriorating health. And there is the visual journalist Fevzi Yazıcı, who remains in solitary confinement. A few weeks ago, Yazıcı sent a drawing from his jail cell to the world. The drawing, titled ‘Injustice’, reminded me of Picasso’s Guernica. It is reported that a German officer who saw Guernica asked Picasso, ‘Did you do that?’ to which the artist replied, ‘No, sir, you are the one who did it’. Yazıcı’s drawing, a product of a flawed justice system, says: The Turkish authorities did this.

    The threat of COVID-19 looms large in Turkey’s other prisons, too.  Selahattin Demirtaş, the prominent political prisoner and the former co-chair of the People’s Democratic Party, remains in Edirne Prison, and is considered high risk due to his health problems. Nedim Türfent of Dicle News Agency has completed his fourth year in Van Prison this week. This is not an Arthur Koestler novel – this is Turkey in 2020.

    Turkey’s government is using the pandemic for political vengeance. This is the cruellest of totalitarian methods. Turkey has been on an authoritarian track for some time. While the Erdoğan regime has been labelled as fascist, perhaps the word has been overused. Authoritarianism is often conflated with fascism. But how else can one describe leaving vulnerable people – whose only crime is political opposition – to suffer and die in prison? Now, we cannot deny that authoritarian tendencies have turned into fascism.

    Coronavirus has been a strange experience for all of us. For some, it is about work or education; for many, it is mostly about the economy. But for imprisoned people, it is a matter of life and death. People have compared lockdown to being caged. But we are free; we can protect ourselves. If we are lucky, we can even work from home, and avoid physical contact. How can inmates protect themselves in 40-people wards? I hope this ubiquitous experience of isolation makes us more empathetic to imprisoned people; that is one good that may emerge from our current moment.

    The law that was passed by the Turkish parliament is flawed and unjust. In Edmund Burke’s words, bad laws are the worst sort of tyranny. But the situation can still be resolved, and lives can still be saved. The government must free vulnerable political prisoners now. Their survival may rest solely on a a single decision by the Turkish government. We must call, now, for this decision. We must speak up for the defenceless. The danger is immediate and real. The clock-hands are moving. And there is a lethal difference between late and too late. 


    Can Bahadır Yüce is a poet and academic. He teaches history at the University of Tennessee.

  • The seizure of a book review

    The first days of March are supposed to be the harbinger of a bright spring, but 4 March was a dark, shameful day for democracy and press freedom. Turkey’s largest newspaper, Zaman, was seized by the government and turned into a pro-Erdogan propaganda machine in a matter of hours. Police stormed into Zaman’s headquarters in Istanbul, using tear gas and water cannons against its journalists and against the 500 supporters who had gathered to protest the government’s takeover. International coverage of the seizure was extensive. Concerns over press freedom were expressed, and the silencing of Turkey’s most influential non-governmental media outlet was widely condemned. However, another silencing that day went unreported: Turkey’s most-read literary supplement Kitap Zamanı (Book Time), Zaman’s monthly book review magazine, was shut down completely.

    I’ve been editing Kitap Zamanı for ten years. On the day of the police raid we had just finished preparing the latest issue of the magazine. The cover story was about the centenary of the great Turkish poet Behçet Necatigil. Our aim was to celebrate Necatigil’s life and work with previously unpublished pieces by the poet himself, a letter from his daughter (who is also an acclaimed author) and commentary from distinguished scholars. During the tumultuous hours of the government takeover, we managed to put the finishing touches on the issue and submit it to the printing office. But Zaman’s new, state-appointed trustees halted the publication. The reason? None given, not known. I was reminded of Necatigil’s famous poem: ‘Much incomplete still / of not being written’. ‘Incompleteness’ is the dominant theme of Necatigil’s poetry, and suddenly it seemed very relevant – the autocratic state did not allow us to complete our tribute to one of the greatest poets of the Turkish language.

    The story of Kitap Zamanı began in 2006. The first issue appeared in February of that year, with a question on its cover: ‘Dear reader, where are you?’ The response from readers was immense. There had been a couple of book review magazines in Turkey before Kitap Zamanı, but there had been a need for a fully-rounded literary supplement. Kitap Zamanı quickly built up its following; before long thousands of readers relied on it to see beyond the bestseller lists.

    I shy away from calling what we have done in Kitap Zamanı ‘criticism’, being aware of Henry James’s distinction between ‘the practice of reviewing’ and ‘the art of criticism’. Yet, I believe, Kitap Zamanı published some of the finest pieces of literary journalism to be found in the Turkish media.

    Unforgettable memories come to mind, such as our visit to J. D. Salinger’s home in Cornish, New Hampshire in the early summer of 2009. After a day-long search we found the reclusive writer’s home, but respecting his privacy we did not knock on the door. Instead we left a note on behalf of Kitap Zamanı in the mailbox. Salinger died six months later. When I heard this sad news, I was editing another issue of Kitap Zamanı.

    Kitap Zamanı is all these memories, both for us and our readers. Now we have to find our own way to keep these memories alive, because the government has not only halted the magazine’s publication but has also erased its ten-year archive. After this outrageous damage a reader wrote to me, ‘I feel as if I’ve lost a beloved family member.’ Why would a government delete an interview with José Saramago from the archives? Or an essay by Julian Barnes? A story by Etgar Keret? Why on earth would they censor our conversation with Terry Eagleton?

    Deleting Alberto Manguel’s Kitap Zamanı piece on the Library of Babel seems very symbolic, however.

    Just a few weeks ago, we celebrated Kitap Zamanı’s tenth anniversary with a special issue featuring contributions by writers such as Geoff Dyer, Javier Marías, John Banville, Joyce Carol Oates, Per Petterson and Tim Parks. Michael Dirda, book critic for the Washington Post, wrote a piece for the issue. In it he said, ‘I’ve read a fair amount of Byzantine history and hope, one day, to visit Istanbul and other parts of Turkey. When that happens, I trust that Kitap Zamanı will still be flourishing.’ These words made me so happy a few weeks ago. Today they break my heart.

    In the history of Turkish press one can find many stories of censorship and state pressure. Yet, Kitap Zamanı is the first literary supplement to be seized by the government. (Not surprisingly, the same government has shut down 321 public libraries in the past decade.) As in the dystopian novels, the future looks dark for Turkey. After the violent takeover of Zaman, a novelist and a contributor to Kitap Zamanı sent me this message: ‘I wish we had not been born as writers in this country!’ I understand her anger and desperation. Still, I am not without hope. As Samuel Johnson puts it, the natural flights of the human mind are from hope to hope. I believe that, some day, democracy will rule in my country.

    The authoritarian Turkish state seized Kitap Zamanı and halted my column at Zaman. But I will sit at my desk every day. I will write. I will resist, bearing in mind the lines of the great Turkish poet Nâzım Hikmet: ‘Our most beautiful days / we haven’t seen yet’.

     

    Published in partnership with PEN American Center, New York.

    Read English PEN’s statement on the seizure of Zaman.

    Read this open letter to the President of the European Council, signed by English PEN’s director Jo Glanville, expressing concern over the collapse of media freedom in Turkey.

  • Taking a stand

    Oray Egin reports on the continuing protests in Turkey, why they began in Gezi Park and what the writers of the country owe to those marching on the streets

    It was a small, insignificant park at the centre of Istanbul. For years it served as a gay cruising area at night, but during the day families with children spent time there as it was one of the last remaining green spaces. Many couples got married at the adjacent registry office. Almost all Istanbulians have memories in the park, but none of these mattered to the administration of the pro-Islamist Justice and Development Party (the AKP). Their decade-long rule of Turkey brought along a construction boom, and the Gezi Park was the latest to face a similar destiny.

    Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan first conceived of a construction project at the site of the park when he was the mayor of Istanbul, in the early 90s. He didn’t get enough support then, but as a powerful premier, with 50 per cent support from the electorate, he revisited his original idea. His wish was to rebuild the Ottoman era military barracks torn down by the 50s government to make way for green space. “It may be a hotel, or a residence with shops on the ground floor,” Erdoğan recently announced.

    Urban transformation projects in Turkey rarely involve public opinion, therefore the bulldozers entered the Gezi Park without much delay after Erdoğan’s statements. But that tiny park triggered a country-wide demonstration against the government when a small group, of about 20 to 30 people, stood against the bulldozers and saved a tree.

    Soon after, the word got out via Twitter and involved more people frustrated with the government’s policies – not only environmental, but an accumulation of frustration. Thousands marched to Taksim Square, where the Gezi Park is located, and similar protests erupted in dozens of other Turkish cities. Police dealt brutally with protesters using tear gas bombs and water cannons. There are numerous injuries, including a protester who lost an eye, and even a civilian casualty.

    Turkey’s media, out of fear of the government, remained silent for days. The country’s first privately owned news network, NTV, became the focus of heavy criticism. The network is part of a large conglomerate which also owns Garanti Bank, one of the largest in Turkey. On Monday, its shares dropped 9 per cent and more than 1,500 customers closed their accounts. The network’s executive issued an apology the next day: “We were wrong.”

    “It’s significant that the protest started over a tree,” says Buket Uzuner, a novelist who’s working on a quartet inspired by nature. “But of course, it is not only about a park, all of us are frustrated. And for the first time in ten years we’ve had the will to say enough.”

    Indeed, the Gezi Park protests were ignited because of the government’s increasingly authoritarian rule and threats to secular lifestyles. Just recently, a bill banning alcohol sales from 10pm until 6am was passed by the government. A symbol of the Istanbul Film Festival, the historic Emek Theatre, was torn down and is now being converted into a shopping mall. Added to this is the intimidation of free press.

    “For me one of the biggest issues is censorship and self-censorship,” adds Uzuner. “I was writing in the 70s as well, during military rule, and I can honestly say that the pressure wasn’t as severe as today.”

    Most recently, many of Turkey’s leading writers, including Uzuner, O.Z. Livaneli, Latife Tekin, Mehmet Murat Somer, Ece Temelkuran and Ayse Kulin signed a petition calling for an independent council to be formed that will hear the people’s demands and stop police brutality. “I believe that among those protesters are people who grew up reading my books,” says Uzuner. “I owe it to them to raise my voice, support them, and even march with them.”

    About the Author

    Oray Egin is a journalist and a writer based in Istanbul and New York. You can follow him on Twitter @orayinenglish

    Additional Information

    This special edition of PEN Atlas is in response to events in Turkey, and will be followed by a piece tomorrow by Mario Levi on The Sounds of Istanbul.