Tag: gezi

  • PEN Atlas: literary dispatches from Turkey

    Maureen Freely introduces an exclusive new e-book from PEN Atlas
    , collecting some of the best dispatches from Turkey, at a moment when the country is in the midst of great changes, both political and literary

    There was a time, and it was not very long ago, when even our best-informed and most outward-looking readers could not name a single Turkish writer. In 2004, when Orhan Pamuk achieved quite sudden world fame with his sixth novel (his fourth to be translated into English), more than a few of his reviewers expressed astonishment that a country ‘like that’ could produce a writer of his sophistication. His subsequent prosecution for insulting Turkishness only served to encourage the belief that he must be an aberration, owing nothing to the cultural void from which the knights of world literature had rescued him. This illusion was disrupted by the arrival of Elif Shafak who, though writing in a very different vein, with very different takes on religion, feminism, and indeed literature, was just as good at taking stories rooted in Turkey to world audiences.That and the growing popularity of Turkey as a holiday destination made readers more curious.  The number of Turkish authors being translated into English went from 11 in the last decade of the last century to 41 in the first decade of this one, and 25 in the last three years alone.In the past year, more than 20 Turkish writers have come to this island to launch or speak about their work. Most came under the auspices of the British Council, working in conjunction with the Turkish Ministry of Culture, the London Book Fair, English PEN, and other dedicated partners. There were more than 30 events in 15 venues across 4 UK cities. Most were about literature, not politics, though politics is never far away in the lives and works of Turkish writers. For those who wished to engage more deeply with such questions, there was a roundtable on freedom of expression hosted by English PEN at which a diverse group of Turkish novelists, poets, publishers, and journalists met an equally diverse group of London-based novelists, lawyers, and activists.At this and the many other events I attended, either as a participant or a member of a standing-room only audience, there was one question that kept coming back. Why has it taken the English-speaking world so long to notice Turkey? There is, of course, no single answer. You might say that – especially since the end of the Second World War – it has been very hard to read. Like many of the new nations in the Cold War era, it was economically weak, but it never had to liberate itself from an empire. Before becoming a republic, it was an empire. It was also, officially, a democracy, but with a military that was not shy to step in and shut it down whenever it deemed necessary. It was staunchly anti-Communist, and staunchly authoritarian. It is still authoritarian, except that now the enforcers are not secularists but Islamists.In Turkey today, as in Turkey yesterday, you pick up a pen at your own risk. Though the tradition of speaking truth to power is old and rich, the conversation was until very recently constrained, even kettled. The penal code is still full of laws that can send writers to prison. The new anti-terror laws and the expanding definitions of terrorism now allow for the indefinite detention of writers viewed as dangerous. But that has not silenced Turkey’s dissenting writers, who continue to speak out for democratic change with ever greater ingenuity, imagination, and force.During the recent Gezi protests, the Turkish mainstream media stayed at home. The media moguls were too deeply involved in the ruling party’s development deals to risk angering an increasingly autocratic prime minister. It was the social media that kept the protesters in touch, and (thanks to the efforts of a spontaneous army of Twitter translators) it connected them with the outside world as never before.So today we are publishing an e-book containing our first collection of dispatches, commissioned and posted by PEN Atlas over the past year. Some come from writers who have already seen their books published in English; some are appearing in English for the first time. Some have been translated; some were composed in English. Quite a few were written from the heat of the Gezi protests; others offer quiet reflections, mining the past, or imagining the future. All are open letters, inviting us to write back.From Mario Levi and Hakan Gunday to Kaya Genc and Ayfer Tunc, this collection offers many riches and insights and invites you to read further.About the authorMaureen Freely is the author of seven novels (Mother’s Helper, The Life of the Party, The Stork Club, Under the Vulcania, The Other Rebecca, Enlightenment and – most recently – Sailing through Byzantium) as well as three works of non-fiction (Pandora’s ClockWhat About Us? An Open Letter to the Mothers Feminism Forgot, and The Parent Trap). The translator of five books by the Turkish Nobel laureate Orhan Pamuk (Snow, The Black Book, Istanbul: Memories of a City, Other Colours and The Museum of Innocence), she is active in various campaigns to champion free expression. She also works with campaigns aiming to promote world literature in English translation. She has been a regular contributor to the Guardian, the Observer, the Independent and the Sunday Times for two decades, writing on feminism, family and social policy, Turkish culture and politics, and contemporary writing. 

  • On #OccupyGezi, the Turkish Government prefers conspiracy theories to engagement

    Oray Egin reports on Turkey’s ‘dissident witch hunt’.

    On Monday 5th August 2013, Turkish courts finally reached a decision on the most controversial trial to date. The Ergenekon investigation, which was launched in 2007, initially aimed to disclose an alleged clandestine organization that plots to overthrow the government. But over time, the investigation widened to include many opponents of Turkey’s pro-Islamist Justice and Development Party government including prominent university professors, party leaders, well-known journalists, ex-military personnel and a former chief of staff. They were all sentenced to life in prison.

    Most of the Ergenekon suspects were already behind bars. But the court also issued an arrest for Merdan Yanardag, the editor-in-chief of a small independent daily Yurt that strongly criticizes the Ergenkon investigation, linking him to the case. The same day, Turkish police also launched a drug investigation that ended up with the arrests of some of Turkey’s most famous actors.

    Coincidence? Some seem to think not. “It’s become a dissident witch hunt,” says Aysenur Arslan, a veteran journalist and a writer for Yurt, on the phone. “I fear this won’t stop. It may lead to ongoing trials concerning journalists. Even the drug raid raises questions in my head. Most of these actors were supporters of the Gezi Protests.”

    As is now well known, the Gezi Park protests started out of environmental consciousness, to save the park from becoming a shopping mall, but quickly evolved into  massive anti-government protests. The police attacked the protesters with tear gas and water cannons, left five people dead, 11 blinded and many wounded.

    Since the protests erupted Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party administration has been mostly focusing on conspiracy theories about the perpetrators of the ‘Occupy Gezi’ movement. At first, Erdogan blamed the ‘global interest rate lobby’ committed to raising Turkey’s borrowing costs for profit. At one point, Turkey’s deputy prime minister said that the Jewish Diaspora were creating unrest in the country. Melih Gökçek, the mayor of Ankara from Erdoğan’s party, went on TV and declared Otpor!, a former youth movement from Serbia, to be behind the uprisings. Gökçek also mentioned Gene Sharp, an expert on non-violent action, as providing the theoretical framework for overthrowing Turkey’s government.

     “I had never heard of Gene Sharp or Otpor! before,” wrote Memet Ali Alabora, a star actor who was at the forefront of the Gezi Park protests, in a statement. On June 10, he had tweeted “It’s not only about Gezi Park, didn’t you still get it, come join us.” This single tweet, and his YouTube video shot in the same park from 2011 explaining Occupy Wall Street to Turkish followers, was enough to put him on the spotlight. Most recently, a Turkish prosecutor demands that Alabora be tried and charged with 20 years for allegedly provoking the protests.

    “I am an actor who is anti-war, an environmentalist, and a believer of freedom of speech and democracy,” he followed in the same statement. “My tweet only reflected my feelings that night and had no political motives.”

    Even Oscar winners like Susan Sarandon and Sean Penn were recently targeted by Turkey’s hotheaded Premier Recep Tayyip Erdogan because of their support for Gezi in an ad in the The Times. They co-signed a declaration among a group of intellectuals from PEN’s Vice President Moris Farhi, to Andrew Mango, David Lynch, Tom Stoppard and many more condemning Turkish authorities’ crackdown on Gezi Park protests.

    Erdogan is now planning to sue the Murdoch-owned daily. “The press wants to throw mud to see if it sticks. The Times is renting out its own pages for money,” he recently said. “This is The Times‘ failing. We will pursue legal channels regarding the Times.”

    What the Turkish government fails to understand is that the Gezi Park protests broke out organically, and, indeed, had no political motive from the beginning. As Turkey’s Nobel laureate author Orhan Pamuk puts it, in a recent interview, “it was not organized [and] political parties were not capable of managing it.”

    To his credit, Turkey went under a rapid democratization process under Erdogan’s decade long reign. He upended the influence of the military over politics, implemented a set of reforms for the country’s Kurdish minority, improved healthcare and boosted the economy. Yet, at the same time he has become increasingly authoritarian and created a country of fear. Not a day goes by without a pro-government media outlet publishing lists of journalists and accusing them of trying to overthrow the government. Turkey is already the world’s biggest jailer of journalists, according to the latest CPJ report. Recently, the Turkish Journalists’ Union announced that at least 72 journalists were fired or forced to leave in the six weeks since the Gezi protests started.

    “I fear the government has totally lost control and is driving the country to a dead end,” Arslan adds. “I only wish that we don’t hit a wall in the end.”

    About the Author

    Oray Egin is a journalist and a writer based in Istanbul and New York. You can follow him on Twitter @orayinenglish

  • Taking a stand

    Oray Egin reports on the continuing protests in Turkey, why they began in Gezi Park and what the writers of the country owe to those marching on the streets

    It was a small, insignificant park at the centre of Istanbul. For years it served as a gay cruising area at night, but during the day families with children spent time there as it was one of the last remaining green spaces. Many couples got married at the adjacent registry office. Almost all Istanbulians have memories in the park, but none of these mattered to the administration of the pro-Islamist Justice and Development Party (the AKP). Their decade-long rule of Turkey brought along a construction boom, and the Gezi Park was the latest to face a similar destiny.

    Turkey’s Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan first conceived of a construction project at the site of the park when he was the mayor of Istanbul, in the early 90s. He didn’t get enough support then, but as a powerful premier, with 50 per cent support from the electorate, he revisited his original idea. His wish was to rebuild the Ottoman era military barracks torn down by the 50s government to make way for green space. “It may be a hotel, or a residence with shops on the ground floor,” Erdoğan recently announced.

    Urban transformation projects in Turkey rarely involve public opinion, therefore the bulldozers entered the Gezi Park without much delay after Erdoğan’s statements. But that tiny park triggered a country-wide demonstration against the government when a small group, of about 20 to 30 people, stood against the bulldozers and saved a tree.

    Soon after, the word got out via Twitter and involved more people frustrated with the government’s policies – not only environmental, but an accumulation of frustration. Thousands marched to Taksim Square, where the Gezi Park is located, and similar protests erupted in dozens of other Turkish cities. Police dealt brutally with protesters using tear gas bombs and water cannons. There are numerous injuries, including a protester who lost an eye, and even a civilian casualty.

    Turkey’s media, out of fear of the government, remained silent for days. The country’s first privately owned news network, NTV, became the focus of heavy criticism. The network is part of a large conglomerate which also owns Garanti Bank, one of the largest in Turkey. On Monday, its shares dropped 9 per cent and more than 1,500 customers closed their accounts. The network’s executive issued an apology the next day: “We were wrong.”

    “It’s significant that the protest started over a tree,” says Buket Uzuner, a novelist who’s working on a quartet inspired by nature. “But of course, it is not only about a park, all of us are frustrated. And for the first time in ten years we’ve had the will to say enough.”

    Indeed, the Gezi Park protests were ignited because of the government’s increasingly authoritarian rule and threats to secular lifestyles. Just recently, a bill banning alcohol sales from 10pm until 6am was passed by the government. A symbol of the Istanbul Film Festival, the historic Emek Theatre, was torn down and is now being converted into a shopping mall. Added to this is the intimidation of free press.

    “For me one of the biggest issues is censorship and self-censorship,” adds Uzuner. “I was writing in the 70s as well, during military rule, and I can honestly say that the pressure wasn’t as severe as today.”

    Most recently, many of Turkey’s leading writers, including Uzuner, O.Z. Livaneli, Latife Tekin, Mehmet Murat Somer, Ece Temelkuran and Ayse Kulin signed a petition calling for an independent council to be formed that will hear the people’s demands and stop police brutality. “I believe that among those protesters are people who grew up reading my books,” says Uzuner. “I owe it to them to raise my voice, support them, and even march with them.”

    About the Author

    Oray Egin is a journalist and a writer based in Istanbul and New York. You can follow him on Twitter @orayinenglish

    Additional Information

    This special edition of PEN Atlas is in response to events in Turkey, and will be followed by a piece tomorrow by Mario Levi on The Sounds of Istanbul.