Tag: Kafka

  • Kafka's The Trial in Eritrea

    In Kafka’s classic psychological novel The Trial, unidentified authorities suddenly show up one morning and inform Joseph K. that he’s under arrest. Mr. K. proclaims his innocence and tells a lengthy story in his own defence. Unfortunately, in this repressive world, the very fact of an arrest renders one guilty. A seemingly never-ending, nonsensical court case follows. Throughout, K. is never officially charged or even aware of the charges against him. K.’s sense of self and well-being is systematically destroyed by the incessant harassment and the torment of constantly being watched by anonymous authorities.

    In the modern Eritrean media-scape, one faces similar hazards, including constant fear and uncertainty. Journalists carry the gut-churning knowledge that they could be found guilty merely by association and/or friendship, facing severe punishment without a trial.

    The Eritrean government’s infamous political crackdown of 2001 resulted in the banning of seven private newspapers and the detention of 12 journalists for 15 years and counting without trial. While that crackdown targeted private newspapers, even state journalists live under constant fear in Eritrea. In late 2006, state security officers suddenly showed up at the Eritrean Ministry of Information, ushering several journalists into a police van. In the days that followed, state security officers regularly showed up at the Ministry, either waiting at the front gate or loitering around the Ministry’s coffee-shop, and arrested more than 10 state journalists seemingly at random. Journalists continued showing up for work with the terrifying knowledge that they might not be returning home at the end of the day.

    As is typical of the repressive Eritrean regime, the detained state journalists were released without charges, some after a few weeks and others after more than a month in custody. They faced seemingly pointless interrogations and were ordered to provide their email passwords. This pattern of apparently random harassment and arrests occurs frequently in the Ministry of Information. Committing a harmless error or irritating then-Information Minister Ali Abdu was enough to put journalists in prison. Ali Abdu, at one time a brutally efficient propaganda minister, is now an asylum seeker in Australia.

    On 22 February 2009, military security stormed the educational station Radio Bana and arrested more than 40 journalists and staff members. The station was banned and young leading poets from different ministries, most of them my close friends, were detained. No one knew why the radio station was raided, or why the journalists and poets were arrested and charged.

    I distinctly remember the torment I suffered during this time. I was expecting to be arrested at any time. I didn’t feel as if I could visit my friends in prison without facing arrest myself. From this point on, I knew that I could never feel safe until I left the country.

    In Kafka’s The Trial, when Mr. K. is arrested for unspecified charges, the authorities are not required to explain anything. Yet, the victims are perversely required “to examine their whole lives, their entire past, down to the smallest details,” in order to invent their own crimes. This is exactly what happens in Eritrea. After the radio station was banned and the journalists and poets arrested, they had to examine the entirety of their lives in order to make sense of their own arrests. The Eritrean government released most of the Radio Bana journalists after four years and the rest, six more, after six years. Upon preparing for release and asking for bond, one of the detainees learned he had been imprisoned for four years in place of another person by the same first name. During the four years of solitary confinement, this unfortunate individual repeatedly examined his past and ended up confessing to crimes he had never committed. Such random errors are common.

    After most of my close friends were arrested, I vividly remember the profound feeling of guilt I felt for being left behind; for, in effect, abandoning them. As if I were complicit in their arrests, I even avoided meeting with their families.

    The institutional abuse against journalists in Eritrea extends to slander and character assassination in the state media. In April 2009, after I wrote an article in the party’s magazine, then-Minister of Information Ali Abdu (using a pen-name) wrote the following about me in the national newspaper:

    Abate This Before It’s Too Late!

    Once again, some irresponsible and dangerous piece authored by an individual calling himself Abraham Tesfalul [Zere] has been published in the Hidri Magazine. Underlining that the disastrous experience of the ‘private press’ era has unleashed itself upon us as a result of such presumptive individuals being entrusted with a pen and a paper and through the work of such hypocrites who assume that they are contributing if they belittle the works of others. Someone should see to it soon that it is abated.

    (Translated from the Tigrinya, published in the national newspaper, Haddas Ertra, April 21, 2009)

    My article did not contain anything to merit such slander from Ali Abdu. (Anything published in the ruling party’s organ, by definition, is predictable and ultimately harmless.) Nor was I some dangerous figure. This was just a blatant attempt to silence any slight difference of opinion.

    Like me, many others were targeted by Ali Abdu and his surrogates. In Eritrea as in Kafka’s novel, to be a journalist is to be terrorized, suspended in limbo and psychological torture.

  • Kafka’s The Trial in Eritrea

    In Kafka’s classic psychological novel The Trial, unidentified authorities suddenly show up one morning and inform Joseph K. that he’s under arrest. Mr. K. proclaims his innocence and tells a lengthy story in his own defence. Unfortunately, in this repressive world, the very fact of an arrest renders one guilty. A seemingly never-ending, nonsensical court case follows. Throughout, K. is never officially charged or even aware of the charges against him. K.’s sense of self and well-being is systematically destroyed by the incessant harassment and the torment of constantly being watched by anonymous authorities.

    In the modern Eritrean media-scape, one faces similar hazards, including constant fear and uncertainty. Journalists carry the gut-churning knowledge that they could be found guilty merely by association and/or friendship, facing severe punishment without a trial.

    The Eritrean government’s infamous political crackdown of 2001 resulted in the banning of seven private newspapers and the detention of 12 journalists for 15 years and counting without trial. While that crackdown targeted private newspapers, even state journalists live under constant fear in Eritrea. In late 2006, state security officers suddenly showed up at the Eritrean Ministry of Information, ushering several journalists into a police van. In the days that followed, state security officers regularly showed up at the Ministry, either waiting at the front gate or loitering around the Ministry’s coffee-shop, and arrested more than 10 state journalists seemingly at random. Journalists continued showing up for work with the terrifying knowledge that they might not be returning home at the end of the day.

    As is typical of the repressive Eritrean regime, the detained state journalists were released without charges, some after a few weeks and others after more than a month in custody. They faced seemingly pointless interrogations and were ordered to provide their email passwords. This pattern of apparently random harassment and arrests occurs frequently in the Ministry of Information. Committing a harmless error or irritating then-Information Minister Ali Abdu was enough to put journalists in prison. Ali Abdu, at one time a brutally efficient propaganda minister, is now an asylum seeker in Australia.

    On 22 February 2009, military security stormed the educational station Radio Bana and arrested more than 40 journalists and staff members. The station was banned and young leading poets from different ministries, most of them my close friends, were detained. No one knew why the radio station was raided, or why the journalists and poets were arrested and charged.

    I distinctly remember the torment I suffered during this time. I was expecting to be arrested at any time. I didn’t feel as if I could visit my friends in prison without facing arrest myself. From this point on, I knew that I could never feel safe until I left the country.

    In Kafka’s The Trial, when Mr. K. is arrested for unspecified charges, the authorities are not required to explain anything. Yet, the victims are perversely required “to examine their whole lives, their entire past, down to the smallest details,” in order to invent their own crimes. This is exactly what happens in Eritrea. After the radio station was banned and the journalists and poets arrested, they had to examine the entirety of their lives in order to make sense of their own arrests. The Eritrean government released most of the Radio Bana journalists after four years and the rest, six more, after six years. Upon preparing for release and asking for bond, one of the detainees learned he had been imprisoned for four years in place of another person by the same first name. During the four years of solitary confinement, this unfortunate individual repeatedly examined his past and ended up confessing to crimes he had never committed. Such random errors are common.

    After most of my close friends were arrested, I vividly remember the profound feeling of guilt I felt for being left behind; for, in effect, abandoning them. As if I were complicit in their arrests, I even avoided meeting with their families.

    The institutional abuse against journalists in Eritrea extends to slander and character assassination in the state media. In April 2009, after I wrote an article in the party’s magazine, then-Minister of Information Ali Abdu (using a pen-name) wrote the following about me in the national newspaper:

    Abate This Before It’s Too Late!

    Once again, some irresponsible and dangerous piece authored by an individual calling himself Abraham Tesfalul [Zere] has been published in the Hidri Magazine. Underlining that the disastrous experience of the ‘private press’ era has unleashed itself upon us as a result of such presumptive individuals being entrusted with a pen and a paper and through the work of such hypocrites who assume that they are contributing if they belittle the works of others. Someone should see to it soon that it is abated.

    (Translated from the Tigrinya, published in the national newspaper, Haddas Ertra, April 21, 2009)

    My article did not contain anything to merit such slander from Ali Abdu. (Anything published in the ruling party’s organ, by definition, is predictable and ultimately harmless.) Nor was I some dangerous figure. This was just a blatant attempt to silence any slight difference of opinion.

    Like me, many others were targeted by Ali Abdu and his surrogates. In Eritrea as in Kafka’s novel, to be a journalist is to be terrorized, suspended in limbo and psychological torture.

  • Hamlet and the Disappeared

    If ever there were children that had to grow up in the shadow of phantom parents, it is the sons and daughters of Argentina’s disappeared. Dead men and women who are nowhere and consequently everywhere; murdered, if they are dead – but then, maybe they aren’t dead: there’s always the hope they’ll reappear and, as we all know, hope is the most terrible of sentences. So it’s no accident that the literature of many of these young people, burdened as they are with the explicit or unstated imperative to avenge their ghost parents and bring hidden crimes to light, has been written in the shadow of Shakespeare’s Hamlet.

    The eternal question ‘Why does Hamlet doubt? Why doesn’t he wreak his revenge without further ado?’ is, of necessity, begged in today’s Argentina by another one: why, when there were thirty thousand disappeared in our country and no shortage of murdered bodies on display, when justice was kept waiting in the wings for nearly twenty years until people thought it would never come, why was not a single act of personal revenge perpetrated against those directly or indirectly responsible, who, unlike King Claudius, made no bones whatever about their crimes, and that without a trace of remorse?

    A first, rushed response was that this demonstrated how absolute the victory of the military had been: they had taken away our will to fight and broken us as they had the kidnapped in the torture and extermination camps – a response that Shakespeare’s work anticipates, and questions, in the unfair self-accusations and self-flagellations that Hamlet inflicts upon himself.

    Another, less pessimistic, possibility would be to suppose that we learned something from it all, as individuals and as a people: not so much from the dictatorship itself but from the time leading up to it, when the logic of revenge dominated much of political life, in an escalation of violence that, if it did not lead directly to the military regime, nevertheless armed it with an argument and an excuse, and helped to breed in broad swathes of society acquiescence or indifference to the systematic murders of its members. If the logic of revenge had paved the way to dictatorship, it could hardly be deployed again in order to unpave it once a line under that period had been drawn.

    Like Antigone, Orestes and Electra, Hamlet is a recurrent figure in the writings of the children of murdered or disappeared Argentine militants. In his ‘Letter to My Parents’ – an allusion to Franz Kafka’s famous ‘Letter to His Father’ – Nicolás Prividera[1] refers to the Generation of ’90, which ‘grew up literally in the shadow of its (symbolically or literally) defeated parents, unable to live down a tragedy that had already been played out in an earlier scene. […] A symmetrical gulf thus opened up between those who (without critical distance) took up the father’s godforsaken voice and those who (with post-modern frivolity) avoided his martyrological history. And so they both confronted their unalterable Hamletian fate: how to be or not to be without falling under the ubiquitous shadow of the (dis)appeared?’

    The ubiquitous Prince of Denmark also crops up in the title of an anthology of ‘poets born on the near side of the ’70s’: If Hamlet Doubts, We’ll Kill Him. In the foreword – ‘To Be or Not To Be (Hamlet)’, signed by Julián Axat and Juan Aiub[2] – the extreme Jacobinism of the anonymous banner (‘we don’t know where it came from or who delivers it’) takes on overtones of provocation or even impugnment: ‘That was how our parents thought. What do we think?’ Emiliano Bustos[3], in another text from the same anthology, entitled ‘Confetti, Kerouac and Hamlet’, feels obliged to construct a more positive image of the prince’s doubt: ‘The story of Hamlet is a tough one, as we all know. […] His father was murdered. The murderers and traitors and all those concealing the truth are walking about, free of guilt, as functioning members of the kingdom, yet Hamlet doubts. Any great power system can, as we know, function with both murderers and victims, yet, as part of that system – as a potential part of it – Hamlet doubts. He constructs – justice, truth, revenge – by doubting. And his memory is always, relentlessly, at work.’

    In the anthology’s afterword, entitled ‘The Anti-Hamlet’, Nicolás Prividera writes: ‘Hamlet bodies forth the contradiction: he feeds revenge and, at the same time, the deliberation that inhibits it […] If, by doubting, he becomes an accessory to the status quo, by acting he merely embodies a dead conscience. And, trapped between the ghost’s imperative and the acceptance of reality, between past and present, between memory and forgetting, Hamlet loses every time – whether he acts on the imperative or rebels against it. Which is why all he is left with is doubt.’


    [1] Nicolás Prividera is the director of M, a documentary on the forced disappearance of his mother Marta Sierra on 30 March 1976.

    [2] Julián Axat’s parents, Rodolfo Jorge Axat and Ana Inés della Croce, were kidnapped by the dictatorship on 12th May 1977 and remain disappeared; Carlos Aiub, Juan Aiub’s father, was disappeared on 10 June 1977.

    [3] Emiliano Bustos is the son of the poet Miguel Ángel Bustos, kidnapped and disappeared by the dictatorship on 30 April 1976.